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Sunday, September 29, 2013

Interesting Articles of the Week


I'm working on the next installment of the How Best to Employ Fighter Aircraft series, The American Perspective. In the meantime, here are a few of the more interesting articles I've read over the past week, I'd recommend you give a few of them a quick look over if you have the time.

(1) ANALYSIS: Industry concerned about US Navy UCLASS requirements - By Dave Majumdar

"Concerns are being raised within industry about the new direction mandated by the Pentagon for the US Navy’s unmanned carrier-launched surveillance and strike (UCLASS) aircraft programme.  The reason for the concern is because the Pentagon’s Joint Requirements Oversight Council (JROC) has fundamentally altered the requirements for the UCLASS from a long-range penetrating strike platform to something akin to a modestly stealthy carrier-based Predator."

At present, UCLASS would essentially be a somewhat stealthy predator drone that would be reserved for only nighttime operations when manned aircraft activity is considerably lower. UCLASS was originally intended to play a vital role in Air-Sea Battle alongside other carrier assets such as the F-35C and F/A-18E/F Super Hornet. The recent changes made to the UCLASS program are in part due to funding constraints imposed by sequestration and safety concerns stemming from operating large numbers of manned and unmanned aircraft from a carrier flight deck simultaneously. Despite the recent setback, a number of influential individuals are trying to restore the UCLASS program to its original aims. Congressman Mike McIntyre and Congressman J Randy Forbes  from the Subcommittee on Seapower and Projection Forces recently wrote a letter to the secretary of the Navy outlining their concerns over the recent UCLASS developments. Furthermore, MIT researchers are exploring how better to safely coordinate manned and unmanned assets on a carrier flight deck.

(2) China Says J-31 Fighter Will Compete With F-35 for Sales - By Zachary Keck


"Admiral Zhang Zhaozhong told the People’s Daily this week that the J-31 was never built with China’s military in mind, and it was highly unlikely that the PLA would ever operate J-31s off of its aircraft carriers. Instead, the J-31 was designed for export to China’s strategic partners and allies, particularly those that couldn’t purchase the F-35...With so little known about the J-31, it’s hard to gauge how credible China’s claims are that the J-31 is a low-cost alternative to the F-35. In a report in Defense News last August, shortly after the first few images of the plane surfaced, Project 2049 Institute’s Robert Cliff dismissed the notion that the J-31 would pose a serious threat to the F-35 in terms of overseas sales. 'India won’t buy it. Russia won’t buy it,' Cliff noted, adding: 'That pretty much leaves countries like Pakistan, Brazil, some Middle East countries, none of whom [the U.S. is] likely to sell the F-35 to anytime this decade or next.'"

The claim made by the People's Daily, "Experts predict that the J-31 will make rapid inroads in the international market in the future, and will undoubtedly steal the limelight from the F-35" is categorically false in every sense possible. As Cliff's argued, its likely that the J-31 will not hinder F-35 export sales. Arms sales are often heavily dependent upon political ties, which greatly favors the United States over all other arms exporters. China has very few regional allies aside from Pakistan and possibly the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (Burma) and North Korea. In comparison, the United States has strong national security ties with a multitude of Asian, European, and Middle-Eastern governments. The importance of political ties to arms exports is substantiated by the fact that Chinese aerospace firms have yet to make major gains against competing against European, Russian and American firms in the global fighter aircraft market. The only exception is the sale of JF-17 aircraft to Pakistan, an allied or at least "friendly" country to China.

(3) Gunboat Diplomacy Prevails in Syria - By Galrahn, Information Dissemination blog

Many, including myself, believed the US Navy had an Ohio class nuclear submarine armed with conventional cruise missiles to support of American destroyers near Cyprus while the Obama Administration deliberated military action against Syria. Apparently that was not the case:

"...the prevailing assumption in open source was that the submarines has been operating off the coast of Syria.  Apparently not...Having a SSGN off Syria is, in my mind, the prerequisite for the American way of war when applied to the proposed Syrian military strike. Everyone assumed the SSGN was there. I wouldn't be surprised if even the Russians assumed the SSGN was there. What the picture at the top of this post tells us is that since the crew swap, USS Georgia (SSGN 729) has stayed in 5th Fleet, and has not at any time since the August 21 chemical attack been in the Mediterranean Sea. That means only two things, the President of the United States was bluffing on military strikes all along, and the decline of the US Navy is so astute right now the 6th Fleet is an empty shell and was never prepared for the war it was being asked to conduct."

(4) Six Planes Industry Wants DoD (and Other Militaries) to Buy - By Marcus Weisgerber

T-50 trainer

Even in the midst of sequestration, the USAF has high hopes for its T-X program. The current T-38 Talon trainers have been in service for half a century. The T-38 has proved to be an immensely valuable and versatile trainer and aggressor aircraft but its age is becoming apparent. Saab and Boeing will potentially offer the Gripen for the T-X program but they will face stiff competition from KAI & Lockheed Martin's T-50 trainer as well as BAE's Hawk trainer.

"In a time of constrained budgets, new military aircraft programs are rare. But that hasn't stopped defense industry design teams from coming up with new ideas for military aircraft. Below are six aircraft models that were on display this week at the annual Air Force Association convention in National Harbor, Md.

Some of the planes are candidates for the Air Force’s T-X program, an effort to replace the Northrop T-38 Talon jet trainer (It’s the plane student pilots fly before getting in the cockpit of a fighter jet.) The Air Force has been unable to find money in its budget for the T-X program, despite it being a top priority for service brass."

(5) Special Report: Hezbollah gambles all in Syria - By Samia Nakhoul

The Iranian backed paramilitary terrorist organization, Hezbollah, is largely responsible for changing the momentum of the civil war in Assad's favor. However, the cost of maintaining Hezbollah's offensive is considerable to Iran especially given the crippling international sanctions. I'd wager the recent change of tone from the Iranian leadership regarding its nuclear program is partially due to the combination of the sanctions and the strain of supporting Assad under the aforementioned sanctions.

"The war is imposing huge costs on both Hezbollah and Iran, which is already under crippling international sanctions because of its nuclear ambitions.  A regional security official with access to current intelligence assessments put Hezbollah's annual income at between $800 million and $1 billion, with 70-90 percent coming from Iran, the amount partly depending on the price of oil."

If my assessment is correct, Drezner's Syria policy seems to be paying major dividends for the United States.

(6) USAF Eyes T-X, New JStars Projects - By Amy Butler


"Is there hope for a program's future if it is not in the sacred Top Three priorities of the U.S. Air Force—the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter, the KC-46 aerial refueler and the long-range bomber?...Aside from his Top Three, Welsh says he would like to start projects to replace the aging E-8C ground-surveillance and T-38 fast-jet trainer fleets. Industry is already prepared for both—with primes and subs pairing off to pursue these projects. But first, Congress must provide a funding profile that will support them, Welsh notes."  

Wednesday, September 25, 2013

Korea Rejects the Silent Eagle


Image 1: F-15K

South Korea's Defense Acquisition Program Administration (DAPA) has decided to restart the F-X III competition rather than accepting Boeing's F-15SE proposal. The decision of the DAPA to restart the F-X III program is likely the result of both the heavy lobbying efforts made by the Republic of Korea Air Force (ROKAF) leadership and by the less than satisfactory outcome of the competition overall. Essentially the F-15SE would have won by default had the process not been restarted as the Lockheed bid was over the $7.4 billion dollar limit and the EADS bid was faulted by the DAPA on technical unilateral contract changes.

If I may be frank for a moment, from the onset it was clear that the ROKAF was set on acquiring the F-35. Although the ROKAF and DAPA would certainly not admit to it, the addition of the Eurofighter and the F-15SE was only intended to serve as a means of lowering the F-35's price by increasing the competitiveness of the bid. This is not an uncommon tactic employed by governments in multi-billion dollar aircraft negotiations. Even the United States Government has used this tactic to its advantage, it was clear in the KC-X tanker program that the Airbus proposal would not be able to overcome Boeing's bid, nor was its admission into the program intended to. This technique can be effective but is often prone to backfire, especially when the procurement program is poorly managed.

The decision by the DAPA to restart the F-X III is attributable to the DAPA's own incompetence rather than the fault of any of the aerospace firms involved in the competition. The failure of the DAPA to succeed on its first attempt will leave it with few desirable options. Its certainly possible that both Boeing and EADS will protest the decision of the DAPA and not enter subsequent bids now that there is little doubt that the F-35 is the preferred option. This would leave a uncompetitive environment that would greatly benefit Lockheed Martin. Given the requests of the DAPA to raise the program's budget past $7.4 billion have failed, the most plausible alternative would be to purchase fewer aircraft. The delay will allow the South Korean Government to capitalize on the steady F-35 production cost reductions but even with these reductions, it is unlikely South Korea will be able to acquire the originally proposed 60 F-35's within the $7.4 billion dollar budget in the intimidate future.

To clarify, the F-35 is certainly the superior choice over the F-15SE given South Korea's unique security needs. The F-15SE would be able to sufficiently counter North Korean threats but its utility against China is much more limited. Furthermore, the F-35 will be heavily upgraded over the next two to three decades by virtue of its role in the USAF, USN, and USMC regardless of any foreign purchases. The F-15SE airframe is not guaranteed to receive the same level of capability/system growth via upgrades as the F-35 over the same period.

Sources



  1. http://www.flightglobal.com/news/articles/south-korea-backs-down-from-f-15-silent-eagle-selection-report-390879/
  2. http://english.yonhapnews.co.kr/national/2013/09/24/15/0301000000AEN20130924005500315F.html
  3. http://thediplomat.com/flashpoints-blog/2013/09/24/south-korea-rejects-boeings-f-15se-fighter-will-restart-fx-iii/
  4. http://defense-update.com/20130924_boeing-f-15se-fails-seouls-final-selection-of-next-fighter-jet.html
  5. https://www.defenseindustrydaily.com/koreas-fx-multirole-fighter-buy-phase-2-the-race-is-on-02966/

Saturday, September 14, 2013

Divergent Thinking: How Best to Employ Fighter Aircraft


Image 1: F-35B, Image Credit: Lockheed Martin 

An enormous disparity exists between vocal critics and staunch supporters of the F-35, some of it is attributable to how the two parties assess the aircraft. As Bill Sweetman explains, there are several different schools of thought with regards to how best to employ fighter aircraft and which capabilities are most important to securing air superiority. A key issue that is not present in discussions that either praise or criticize the F-35 is pilot training and the air combat doctrines of the nation deploying the aircraft.

Many of the most vocal critics of the F-35 such as David Axe and Karlo Kopp do not adequately take into account pilot training and fighter deployment doctrines which effect the overall combat performance of the F-35; these critics focus solely upon performance based metrics and specifications. A typical critique of the F-35 from David Axe:

"...the F-35 is an inferior combatant, seriously outclassed by even older Russian and Chinese jets that can fly faster and farther and maneuver better. In a fast-moving aerial battle, the JSF 'is a dog … overweight and underpowered,' according to Winslow Wheeler, director of the Straus Military Reform Project at the Project on Government Oversight in Washington, D.C. And future enemy planes, designed strictly with air combat in mind, could prove even deadlier to the compromised JSF."

Both praise and condemnation of the F-35 are inherently limited in scope when the discussion is limited to only certain performance based metrics vs. other performance based metrics e.g. sustained radius turn ability vs. thrust to weight ratio. A lot of research exists in the area of comparing F-35 performance specifications with those of other advanced aircraft, including my own. While these performance based metric comparisons certainly have value, without understanding how the F-35 is meant to be used as part of a broader integrated combined arms approach, one simply is not able to draw substantive conclusions as to the potential combat effectiveness of the F-35 and other models of fighter aircraft in general. The level of training and combat doctrines of the pilots operating the aircraft is largely inseparable from the performance based capabilities of the aircraft in terms of dictating actual operational effectiveness of a fighter force.

As Sweetman notes, there are multiple contradictory views as to best employ fighter aircraft among the prominent global military powers. A country's solution to how to best employ fighter aircraft varies significantly from country to country but is largely dependent upon the following three factors:
  1. Strengths and weakness of its defense industry - specialization, experience of aerospace firms, access to intellectual capital, etc. 
  2. Constraints to military budget and existing support infrastructure for assets and personnel
  3. National security objectives: regional vs. global power projection, countering anti-access threats, etc. 
This article will examine both the Russian and American solutions to maximize the effectiveness of their respective air forces given the variables listed above. From comparing these models, it becomes clear that each approach is uniquely tailored to the host country and calls to eliminate the JSF in favor of mass producing 4.5 generation aircraft, like the Russian model advocates, will be extremely detrimental to maintaining the technological and qualitative edge the USAF currently maintains over many of its competitors. A measure to replace the F-35 with existing 4.5 generation aircraft will not meet current American national security objectives, ignores the strengths and weakness of the American defense industry, and does not account for the robust pilot training programs and initiatives of the United States. Once pilot training, combat philosophies, and the broader combined arms approach is factored in, it becomes apparent that much of the criticism regarding the F-35 is unfounded.

The Russian Approach 



Image 2: The Su-30 is a typical example of modern Russian fighter technology and is currently fielded by 13 air forces worldwide.

It is difficult to understand the Russian approach to fighter deployment without first understanding Russia's broader strategic situation. Without going into too much detail, the Russian model of fighter employment is tailored to the unique strengths and the weaknesses of the Russian defense industry and its national security objectives.

“Russian military programs are driven largely by Moscow's perception that the United States and NATO are Russia's principal strategic challenges and greatest potential threat. Russia's nuclear forces support deterrence and enhance Moscow's geopolitical clout. Its still-significant conventional military capabilities, oriented toward Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and the Far East, are intended to defend Russia's influence in these regions and serve as a 'safety belt' from where Russian forces can stage a defense of Russian territory...Moscow's wariness of the potential for Western involvement on its periphery, concern   about conflicts and their escalation, and military disadvantages exacerbated by a drawn out crisis or conflict place a premium on quick and decisive action." - Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, 2011

Since 2008, the Russian military has undergone a massive series of reforms in an effort to produce a smaller, more mobile and better trained fighter force (Clapper, 2011). These reforms have been accelerated under Vladimir Putin who raised Russian defense spending by 60% since to 2010 to a total of $66.3 billion dollars in 2013 (Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2013). Despite the recent increase in defense spending, there remains many key obstacles to implementing reform.

"Threats to the success of the State Armament Program include armaments orders that are mismatched to mission requirements; mismanagement, inefficiency, and technological backwardness in the defense industrial sector that causes failures in developing and delivering weapons; corruption; inflation in procurement prices; and the uncertainty of economic growth and sufficient budgets, as mentioned above. For instance, technological backwardness has stymied efforts to modernize command and control, according to many observers." - Jim Nichol, 2011




Image 3: Sukhoi PAK FA

The new gains in Russian military spending are parceled out between the competing services of its military. Even with the billions of dollars in PAK FA developmental assistance provided by India, the Russian Air Force cannot feasibly equip a pure 5th generation fighter force without sacrificing other key capabilities from the Russian Navy, Army, and strategic nuclear forces. The Russian Air Force's ambition to acquire 5th generation aircraft is met or exceeded by the ambitious procurement plans of the other armed services. The Russian Navy plans to restore much of its former maritime power with the addition of dozens of multibillion dollar nuclear attack submarines, destroyers, helicopter landing docks, etc. Investments pertaining to upgrading and maintain Russia's nuclear deterrent consumes a large portion of the defense budget e.g. RS-24 Yars ICBMs,  Borei-class nuclear ballistic missile submarines, RSM-56 Bulava missiles, etc. As a result of other service purchases, the Russian Air Force plans to acquire only 250 fifth generation PAK FA aircraft, the vast majority of its fighter force will be comprised of much cheaper 4.5 generation aircraft such as the Su-30SM, Su-35S, and Mig-35 for the next two decades (Markov and Hull, 2010).

The decision of the Russian Air Force to opt for a largely 4.5 generation fighter force is not the result of a lack of faith in stealth technology as some have argued. Rather, it is a combination of the traditional evolutionary/incremental approach to new technology procurement, which Russia favors over the revolutionary approach of Western militaries, and the aforementioned financial restrictions (Zahainov, 2000). Budgeting priorities are often an indicator of what technologies/capabilities militaries deem to be important.   Given the $10 billion dollars pledged to developing the PAK FA in conjunction with a number of other initiatives meant to develop "counter-stealth technologies" such as very high frequency (VHF) radars, improved IRST, and wing-mounted AESA radars (such as the Tikhomirov NIIP L-band radar) clearly indicates the Russian military takes stealth technology very seriously. However, as a result of the aforementioned financial restrictions, the Russian Air Force is limited to procuring mostly 4th generation fighter aircraft that maximize the combat effectiveness of their aircraft force given the cost, moderate to high level of technological sophistication, and moderate to poor quality of the Russian pilot training infrastructure.

The Russian aerospace industry specializes in producing low cost fighter aircraft in large numbers. The bulk of Russia's future fighter force is composed of 4.5 generation aircraft that cost between $35-$65 million dollars (Defense Industry Daily, 2013). The rough equivalent to Russian aircraft like the Su-35S within the US armed forces, the F/A-18E Super Hornet, costs the US Government $79.43 million dollars per unit (Department of Defense, 2012). The Russian Air Force takes full advantage of its aerospace industry's specialization in low cost aircraft and consequently fields a disproportionately large fighter force relative to its budget. The Russian military fields a total of 1,372 combat aircraft which is impressive since their budget is roughly one tenth of the US military which has 2,851 combat aircraft (Flightglobal, 2013). However, the aforementioned reform efforts have fallen short of their intended goals with regards to improving the quality of personnel within the air force.


Image 4: Su-34 production line

The current Russian model of fighter employment places an increased emphasis on procuring large numbers of fighter aircraft with the quality of each individual Russian pilot being comparatively less skilled than many Western air forces. One of the many indicators of pilot experience is the number of flight hours each pilot is allowed to fly each year. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the quality of Russian fighter pilot training suffered immensely and most pilots in training only received 40 to 50 hours of flight time before graduation (Lindberg, 2006).

"During 1992 - 1994 of the 234 students who graduated from the VVAUL [basic training] 130 had not flown at all after having reported to their assigned air force units (27). In addition, the average flying time per cadet during training had dropped to 40 - 50 flying hours, which facilitates only the elementary pilot skills (26)...The reduction of the personnel and other resources has affected heavily the students. In 1998, 693 officers left pilot schools before they learned to fly, due to the shortage of kerosene...The stress and nature of work, bad conditions in training bases, like living accomodations in Yeisk, employment in Marinovsky and problems with food virtually everywhere, and poor chances to career advancement mean that the morale among flying instructors giving basic pilot training and respect towards them has dropped very low." - Jarmo Lindberg, 2006

Russian fighter pilot training has improved since the late 1990s as a consequence of increased funding but current Russian fighter pilots still only fly 100 hours per year (Dronov, 2012). This is compared to American fighter pilots who must log over 100 hours in jet trainers prior to graduation and fly between 250-300 hours per year once in active service (Source 15, Source 17).


Image 5: The Su-35S shown above is a typical example of the Russian approach to fighter design. The aircraft can carry a maximum of 12 high performance R-77 radar guided air to air missiles, is equipped with a high power ESA radar & IRST, and delivers excellent maneuverability performance at a relatively low cost of $65 million dollars. 

In order to most effectively leverage the strengths of the Russian aerospace industry and minimize the shortcomings of its pilot training programs, most 4.5 generation Russian fighter aircraft have significant missile stores, powerful long range radar capabilities, IRST, electronic countermeasures, and excellent maneuverability. These capabilities maximize the effectiveness of a fighter force when the pilot training and support infrastructure of the nation operating fighter aircraft is less mature or comparatively weaker than many Western countries.

For example, a Su-35S is equipped with a powerful Tikhomirov NIIP IRBIS-E radar which has a maximum range of 400 km, it can track up to 30 targets, and engage eight targets simultaneously (Defense News, 2013). When coupled with a full load of a dozen 50 nautical mile range plus R-77 missiles, the Su-35S allows each comparatively less skilled Russian pilot to be disproportionately effective at long range missile exchanges when compared to more extensively trained Western pilots equipped with 4th generation aircraft. Even a skilled pilot in an aircraft equipped with electronic countermeasures (ECM) will have immense difficulty dodging a salvo of three to four missiles.


Image 6: Su-30 launching R-77 radar guided missile

"The Russian paradigm of BVR combat has its origins in the Cold War period, when  Soviet operational analysis indicated that the low kill probability of missile seekers and airframes, especially if degraded by countermeasures, would be a major impediment to success. By the 1970s the standard Soviet technique in a BVR missile launch was to salvo two rounds...why are Sukhoi Flanker variants equipped to carry between eight and twelve BVR missiles? The answer is a simple one - so they can fire  more than one three or four round  BVR missile salvo during the opening phases of an engagement. In this fashion the aircraft being targeted has a difficult problem as it must jam, decoy and/or outmanoeuvre three or four tightly spaced inbound missiles. Even if we assume a mediocre per round kill probability of 30 percent, a four round salvo still exceeds a total kill probability of 75 percent." - Kopp, 2012



Image 7: PK aircraft probability vs missile salvo size; APA Image. To give a point of reference, the standard AIM-120 has a demonstrated probability kill (pk) of 46% meaning it would be similar to the 50% green curve on the graph above (RAND, 2008).

The combination of high maneuverability, IRST, and ECM gives the Russian pilot some degree of protection in evading radar guided missile shots from afar but life expectancy for the individual pilot is low in an engagement against an adversary launching large missile salvos (as illustrated on the graph above). Russian fighters that manage to reach visual range against an enemy force would rely upon their superior maneuverability to better position themselves for an IR missile shot or gun kill.

"Russian tacticians also foresee complex long-range engagements—but as Bogdan pointed out at Paris , they also see combats decaying into low-speed knife fights where super-maneuverability may decide who gets the first shot." - Bill Sweetman, 2013

However, this theory is hampered by the limitations of Russian pilot training and experience. Overall, the Russian approach is an intelligent solution to maximize the effectiveness of the Russian Air Force given the constraints of their aerospace industry, size of  their military budget, and their national security objectives. The Russian approach invests less into the training and fielding of each individual pilot and aircraft, but more pilots and more aircraft are capable of being fielded as a result on a lower budget.  In essence, the Russian fighter doctrine is still an attrition tactic designed to inflict the maximum number of enemy casualties given a large but comparatively less well trained fighting force.

The American approach will be examined next week in Part II

Sources 

  1. Russia Plans 60% Increase in Defense Budget by 2013, Center for Strategic and International Studies - Oliver Bloom, 2013. http://csis.org/blog/russia-plans-60-increase-defense-budget-2013
  2. Bomber Su-34 recognized non-combat, Alexei Mikhailov, Dmitry Balburov, 2012. http://izvestia.ru/news/541006
  3. U.S. Defense Cuts Lead to First Drop in Global Arms Spending in 15 Years, Time - Vivienne Walt, 2013. http://world.time.com/2013/04/14/u-s-defense-cuts-leads-to-first-drop-in-global-arms-spending-in-15-years/#ixzz2QX1FOF3l
  4. How does the F-16 perform against its adversaries in dogfight, David Centoti, 2012.  http://theaviationist.com/2012/12/10/viper-dogfight/#.UirsB8ZwqSo
  5. The Russian Philosophy  of  Beyond Visual Range Air Combat, Karlo Kopp, 2013.  http://www.ausairpower.net/APA-Rus-BVR-AAM.html
  6. RED FLAG: HOW THE RISE OF “REALISTIC TRAINING” AFTER VIETNAM CHANGED   THE AIR FORCE’S WAY OF WAR, 1975-1999, BRIAN DANIEL LASLIE, 2006.  http://krex.k-state.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/2097/15506/BrianLaslie2013.pdf?sequence=1
  7. Beyond Blue Four  The Past and Future Transformation of Red Flag, Maj Alexander Berger, 2005. http://www.airpower.maxwell.af.mil/airchronicles/apj/apj05/sum05/berger.html
  8. The F-22 Raptor: Program & Events, Defense Industry Daily, 2013. http://www.defenseindustrydaily.com/f22-raptor-procurement-events-updated-02908/
  9. Plymouth native emulates enemy in Air Force war games, Bryan Bender, 2013. http://www.bostonglobe.com/news/nation/2013/02/23/air-force-retrains-pilots-confront-high-tech-enemy/8ZSwUe4IPREnLgDcxQqjRJ/story.html
  10. Aggressor pilots: Paid to play the villain, Michael Hoffman, 2009. http://www.airforcetimes.com/article/20091213/NEWS/912130301/Aggressor-pilots-Paid-play-villain
  11. 422ND JOINT TACTICS SQUADRON, U.S. Air Force Expeditionary Center, 2013. http://www.expeditionarycenter.af.mil/library/factsheets/factsheet.asp?id=18262
  12. F-35 Enters Operational Testing at Edwards and Nellis Air Force Bases, Defense Update, 2013. http://defense-update.com/20130318_edwards-afb-airmen-begin-f-35-operational-testing.html
  13. First F-35A sporting 31st Test and Evaluation Squadron lettering and "OT" tail code, spotted at NAS Forth Worth JRB, David Centoti, 2012. http://theaviationist.com/2012/05/24/first-f-35a-sporting-31st-test-and-evaluation-squadron-lettering-and-ot-tail-code-spotted-at-nas-forth-worth-jrb/#.Ui02aMZwqSp
  14. Russian Military Politics and Russia's 2010 Defense Doctrine, Stephen J. Blank, 2010. http://www.strategicstudiesinstitute.army.mil/pdffiles/PUB1050.pdf
  15. Specialized Undergraduate Pilot Training, 2012. http://www.baseops.net/militarypilot/
  16. http://www.sci.fi/~fta/ruaf-3-4.htm
  17. F-16 Fighting Falcon Service Life, Global Security, 2012. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/systems/aircraft/f-16-life.htm
  18. F’d: How the U.S. and Its Allies Got Stuck with the World’s Worst New Warplane, David Axe, 2013. https://medium.com/war-is-boring/5c95d45f86a5
  19. PROGRAM ACQUISITION   COSTS BY   WEAPON SYSTEM, Department of Defense, 2012. http://comptroller.defense.gov/defbudget/fy2013/FY2013_Weapons.pdf
  20. Russia’s SU-35 Super-Flanker: Mystery Fighter No More, Defense Industry Daily, 2013. http://www.defenseindustrydaily.com/russias-su-35-mystery-fighter-no-more-04969/
  21. MiG-29 Misery Continues, James Dunnigan, 2010.             http://www.strategypage.com/dls/articles/MiG-29-Misery-Continues-9-18-2010.asp
  22. Russian Military Reform and Defense Policy, Jim Nichol, 2011. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/R42006.pdf
  23. Russia Delays Opening Yeisk Carrier Training Facility, 2013.         http://osimint.com/2013/05/12/russia-delays-opening-yeisk-carrier-training-facility/
  24. WORLD AIR FORCES 2013 - Flightglobal
  25. China's New Jet, Radar Complicate US Posture, Wendell Minnick, 2013. http://www.defensenews.com/article/20130706/DEFREG03/307060004/China-s-New-Jet-Radar-Complicate-US-Posture
  26. Flanker Radars in Beyond Visual Range Air Combat, Karlo Kopp, 2013. http://www.ausairpower.net/APA-Flanker-Radars.html
  27. Statement for the Record on the   Worldwide Threat Assessment of the   U.S. Intelligence Community for the   House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, James Clapper, 2010. http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA536770
  28. Russian Air Force - Summary, Jim Nichol, 2011.                                               http://www.sci.fi/~fta/ruaf-sum.htm
  29. Russian Air Force, Chapter 3 - CURRENT STATE OF THE RUSSIAN AIR FORCE, Jim Nichol, 2011. http://www.sci.fi/~fta/ruaf-3-1.htm
  30. Su-30, Federation of American Scientists, 2000.                                           http://www.fas.org/man/dod-101/sys/ac/row/su-30.htm
  31. COMPARISON OF EXPERT JUDGMENT  METHODS USED FOR MODERNIZATION DECISION: THE CASE OF MIG-29, Vassyl M. Zahainov, 2000.                     http://www.dtic.mil/cgi-bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA380847
  32. India to develop 25% of fifth generation fighter, Ajai Shukla, 2010.                           http://www.business-standard.com/article/companies/india-to-develop-25-of-fifth-generation-fighter-110010600047_1.html
  33. Assessing the Tikhomirov NIIP L-Band Active Electronically Steered Array, Karlo Kopp, 2013. http://www.ausairpower.net/APA-2009-06.html
  34. Red Flag, Walter J. Boyne, 2000. http://www.airforcemag.com/MagazineArchive/Pages/2000/November%202000/1100flag.aspx
  35. RAND, Air Power Past Present and Future, 2009. 

Friday, September 6, 2013

September Updates & Quick Thoughts on Super Hornet Block III


I did a poll not so long ago to decide which new blog article I was going to write and the winner was: China's Anti-Access Strategy: Submarines. I have not forgotten my promise and I'm working on it. The second most popular choice, the uncertain future of America's Raptors, will likely be posted sometime after the submarine article. However, I did just start my junior year at college so I don't have as much time for blogging as I did over the summer. I might not be able to publish articles as frequently for you guys depending on my work load, which is considerable at the moment. I"m an econ major with a planned computer science and politics double minor. I will still post articles on a regular basis but there will likely be a greater ratio of shorter opinion pieces to thorough research pieces such as the Pivot series of articles. Thank you for your continued patience.  


Quick Thoughts on Super Hornet Block III


As many of you know, Boeing's Block III Super Hornet demonstrator has been getting a lot of attention in the aviation community as of late. The Block III promises increased radar reduction measures, new more power engines, conformal fuel tanks, upgraded cockpit and displays, a laser missile warning system, and an internal IRST system. As you might expect, it did not take long for arguments calling for the elimination of the F-35C to surface (again) and supporters of the F-35C to rallied to its defense.

Frankly, I don't see the Super Hornet and F-35C as being mutually exclusive aircraft, neither does the US Navy. The US Navy is scheduled to order 290 F-35C aircraft which will serve alongside nearly 550 F/A-18E/F Super Hornets. The reality is, BOTH aircraft have their relative merits and the US Navy is more capable as a result of both aircraft being fielded. I'll go through my reasoning in the next segment of The Pivot series which is concerned with increasing naval capabilities in the Pacific. In the meantime, I recommend you give the Boeing media brief a quick look over:

http://www.scribd.com/doc/163474043/Advanced-Super-Hornet-Media-Brief

Friday, August 30, 2013

Opinion - Syria: A No Win Situation for the United States?

[UPDATED 8/31/2013]

Tomahawk launch from Arleigh Burke class destroyer

Its been widely reported the Obama Administration is considering "punitive strikes" against the Assad Government in response to the August 21st chemical weapon attack near Damascus. The proposed strike against Syria would target the delivery systems of chemical weapons rather than the storehouses of chemical agents themselves in addition to destroying critical command and control nodes for the Syrian military. The expressed intent of these strikes by the Administration is to punish Assad for the use of chemical weapons not an attempt at regime change or direct intervention in support of the Syrian rebels. The issue is not whether or not the United States has the military capabilities necessary to conduct an operation of this nature. Even with the effects of the Sequester and no support from NATO allies, US armed forces have more than enough assets in the region to conduct a unilateral cruise missile strike. Although the exact number of Tomahawks each Arleigh Burke class destroyer carries is classified, it is estimated each destroyer typically carries 45 missiles (Defense News, 2013). A total of five US destroyers are in the region: the USS Stout is en route to join the four already stationed destroyers near Syria. The following chart from Global Security shows US assets in the region:


The real issue is, to what extent, if at all, does a punitive strike against Assad advance US interests?

Historically speaking, "punitive strikes" have not benefited the United States. The Clinton Administration conducted at least two punitive strikes both of which occurred in 1998: Operation Desert Fox against Iraq and Operation Infinite Reach against Al Qaeda targets in Sudan and Afghanistan. Both of these operations were largely ineffective and were a precursor to major military operations involving US ground troops followed shortly thereafter partially as a result of the failure of these punitive strikes.

"...the Clinton administration launched four days of cruise missile and bombing strikes against Iraq. Saddam Hussein's regime had failed to comply with United Nations resolutions and weapons inspectors for a year. The goal was to 'degrade' Baghdad's ability to manufacture weapons of mass destruction and to destabilize Hussein's hold on power. The impact was negligible. Hussein held on for five more years, until the George W. Bush administration launched a ground invasion that cost hundreds of billions of dollars and nearly 4,500 American lives over the next eight years." - Robin Wright, 2013



Operation Infinite Reach which was launched in response to the US embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania. Al Qaeda training camps, facilities, and Osama Bin Laden were targeted by US Tomahawk cruise missiles. The operation was largely a failure as both Bin Laden managed to escape (possibly due to Pakistani intelligence tipping him off) and Al Qaeda continued to remain a credible threat to the United States. These previous examples of punitive strikes are relevant for the possible mission in Syria as they provide a realistic perspective of what to expect.

The notion that the United States can conduct a short, highly successful militarily campaign with little resources over a period of days and proceed to easily exit shortly thereafter has little historical precedent. The United States has a habit of entering conflicts incrementally with the end result negatively affecting the national interests of the country. Fareed Zakaria summarizes the historical trend first observed by scholar Samuel Huntington in regards to incremental US involvement:

"In the mid-1980s, the scholar Samuel Huntington pondered why the United States, the world’s dominant power — which had won two world wars, deterred the Soviet Union and maintained global peace — was so bad at smaller military intervention. Since World War II, he noted, the United States had engaged militarily in a series of conflicts around the world, and in almost every case the outcome had been inconclusive, muddled or worse.

Huntington concluded that we rarely entered conflicts actually trying to win. Instead, he reasoned, U.S. military intervention has usually been sparked by a crisis, which put pressure on Washington to do something. But Americans rarely saw the problem as one that justified getting fully committed. So, we would join the fight in incremental ways and hope that this would change the outcome. It rarely does. (More recent conflicts where we have succeeded — the 1990 Persian Gulf War, Grenada and Panama — were all ones where we did fight to win, used massive force and achieved a quick, early knockout.)" - Fareed Zakaria, 2013

Already the United States has started the process of incremental involvement within Syria as a result of increased aid given to rebel forces. A punitive strike would further commit the United States in the Syrian conflict even if the intent is not to directly aid the rebels by striking Assad. Direct support of Syrian rebels is not necessarily in the best interests of the US. In a letter to Rep. Eliot Engel, D-N.Y,  Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Martin Dempsey, concluded that even if the rebels prevailed, they would not support US interests in the region and should consequently not receive major US support.

'"Syria today is not about choosing between two sides but rather about choosing one among many sides...It is my belief that the side we choose must be ready to promote their interests and ours when the balance shifts in their favor. Today, they are not." - Martin Dempsey, 2013

Toppling the Assad Government by directly supporting the rebels is not in the interest of the United States if it means a radical Islamist government replaces the Assad Government. Moderate elements within the of the Free Syrian Army do not represent the entirety of rebel forces fighting in Syria. Within the last two years, the number of  foreign fighters under the command of radical Islamist groups has noticeably surged. Although Jabhat al-Nusra, an official affiliate of Al Qaeda operating within Syria, is often named by media reports, several radical Islamic groups exist within Syria: the Islamist State in Iraq and the Levant, Al Qaeda in Iraq, Ahrar Al-Sham, Abdullah Azzam brigades, Fatah al-Islam and Jordanian Salafi-jihadists (O’Bagy, 2012). This is not to say radical Islamists makeup the majority of rebel groups in Syria, but their influence has increased considerably over time and their effectiveness in combat relative to other rebel units is also noteworthy.


Source: Jihad in Syria, Elizabeth O’Bagy, 2012

By launching cruise missiles at key command and control sites, the United States would be "unintentionally" aiding rebel forces including Islamist extremists. At the moment, many analysts give the edge on the ground to Assad. Since the reinforcement of 15,000 Hezbollah troops from Lebanon, regime forces have gained momentum and have started to retake lost territory. Recently, regime forces have seized the strategically important city of Qusayr which effectively provides Assad's forces greater access to the Iran backed Hezbollah forces (Malas, Dagher, Barnes, 2013). Depending upon the intensity of the strike, Assad will be weakened and loose momentum but its highly improbable that a cruise missile strike alone would be enough to dislodge Assad even with a follow-up of coordinated rebel attacks. It is probable that the effect of the strike will lengthen then conflict, not shorten it. So what does Obama hope to accomplish with a punitive strike?



Source: Wall Street Journal

 The only individual that has explained a viable and coherent interpretation of US strategy in regards to Syria, that I have come across, is Daniel Drezner from Foreign Policy:

"the goal of that policy is to ensnare Iran and Hezbollah into a protracted, resource-draining civil war, with as minimal costs as possible.  This is exactly what the last two years have accomplished.... at an appalling toll in lives lost. This policy doesn't require any course correction... so long as rebels are holding their own or winning. The moment that U.S. armed forces would be required to sustain the balance, the costs of this policy go up dramatically, far outweighing the benefits.  So I suspect the Obama administration will continue to pursue all measures short of committing U.S. forces in any way in order to sustain the rebels." -Daniel W. Drezner

Although morally deplorable, Drezner's interpretation of US policy, if in fact it is the position of the Obama Administration, does advance US interests in a number of important ways:

  • Iran continues to commit resources in Syria and grows weaker the longer the conflict persists 
  • The more foreign Islamist fighters the Syrian conflict draws, less new foreign fighters participate in insurgency operations within US allied nations e.g. Yemen, Pakistan, Afghanistan, etc. (overflow to Iraq is a potential issue however)
  • Hezbollah is predominantly concerned with Syrian conflict rather than conducting new operations against Israel 
  • A weaker Syrian Government would prove advantageous in a conflict between Israel and Iran or the United States and Iran as Syria is the only true regional ally of Iran 

The caveat of Drezner's interpretation of US policy is cost. A cruise missile strike is unlikely to put the lives of US military personnel at risk but the financial costs of such an operation are considerable. In conclusion, the United States should only conduct a cruise missile strike in Syria if cost is kept much lower than the ~$600 million dollars spent on Operation Odyssey Dawn. The strikes will aid US interest's from Drezner's perspective as it will likely prolong the conflict (weakening Iran) but its not entirely clear Obama is trying to weaken Iran by aiding the rebels. The harsh reality is, the sectarian conflict in Syria is likely to continue for a decade. The Alawite sect minority that controls the Syrian regime (Assad and most high ranking Syrian Government officials are Alawite) is the last of three minority ruled dictatorships in the Middle East. The civil war within Lebanon lasted 15 years and the civil war in Iraq lasted ten years and the violence still continues even after the US withdraw. Once again, Fareed Zakaria does an excellent job explaining the current situation in Syria and why the violence will continue for the foreseeable future:




After this cruise missile strike, the United States MUST NOT commit further resources to Syria aside from limited aid to rebels; the benefits of major US involvement simply does not outweigh the potential costs. It would have been preferable to not enter Syria in the first place but the ultimatum issue by the President puts American credibility on the line which affects America's entire sphere of foreign policy relations e.g. China. Many argue the cost of being perceived as flimsy and not following through with issued ultimatums is of little consequence. Global perceptions, especially among the adversaries and competitors of the United States matters a great deal. For example, when Reagan was first elected into office, the Soviet Union did perceive him to be a great threat. In 1981 he fired 11,000 air traffic controllers who were on strike after threatening to fire them if they did not return to work. Regan's decision to fire air traffic controllers and follow through with his ultimatum had a surprisingly large effect on Soviet relations:

"The Soviet Union was watching. They saw how the American president dealt with a national security issue, saw that his rhetorical toughness could be matched by tough action. They absorbed this, and thought about it. That's why George Shultz, Reagan's last and most effective secretary of state, said that the PATCO decision was the most important foreign policy decision Ronald Reagan ever made.” - Cody Carlson, 2012

The Soviet Union subsequently took Reagan more seriously on national security matters thereafter. The fact is, credibility of the presidency and the country itself is now on the line and US credibility has effects on every other aspect of US foreign policy. Most significantly, China is watching. How will US ultimatum's and warnings given to China in the future be perceived if we don't follow through with our statements?

I realize the United States lost too much blood and treasure in Iraq for little gain, the country needs to recover over the next decade and focus more on domestic development. Furthermore, the fight for democracy within Syria is ultimately the responsibility of the Syrian people, not the responsibility of the United States. However, as the President said, there is a cost to doing nothing. There are no "win win" options for the United States in regards to Syria, only realpolitik strategic calculations to determine how best to minimize loss.


Sources 
  1. Obama’s Syria policy is full of contradictions, Fareed Zakaria, 2013.  http://articles.washingtonpost.com/2013-06-19/opinions/40068077_1_intervention-outcome-regime
  2. Chemical Arms Tactics Examined, Margaret Coker, 2013.  http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324324404579041481523249144.html
  3. Syria: One More Reason for a Return of Grand Strategy, Lazarus, 2013.  http://www.informationdissemination.net/2013/08/syria-one-more-reason-for-return-of.html?utm_source=feedburner&utm_medium=feed&utm_campaign=Feed%3A+InformationDissemination+%28Information+Dissemination%29
  4. British Prime Minister David Cameron loses parliamentary vote on Syria.  http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/obama-administration-prepares-intelligence-case-on-syrian-use-of-chemical-weapons/2013/08/29/3002f180-10b6-11e3-bdf6-e4fc677d94a1_story.html
  5. Syrian Rebel Commanders Fear Aftermath of Airstrikes, Jay Solomon, 2013.  http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424127887324906304579039380265339524.html
  6. US Military Has Myriad Ways to Strike Syria in Potential Operation, Michael Lipin, 2013.  http://www.voanews.com/content/us-military-has-multiple-ways-to-strike-syria-in-potential-operation/1737526.html
  7. The risk of taking on Syria, Robin Wright, 2013.         http://www.latimes.com/opinion/commentary/la-oe-0829-wright-syria-consequences-20130829,0,7387106.story
  8. Jihad in Syria, Elizabeth O’Bagy, 2012.         http://www.understandingwar.org/sites/default/files/Jihad-In-Syria-17SEPT.pdf 
  9. Why Obama is arming Syria's rebels: it's the realism, stupid, Daniel W. Drezner, 2013. http://drezner.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2013/06/14/why_obama_is_arming_syrias_rebels_its_the_realism_stupid?wp_login_redirect=0
  10. Dempsey: Syrian rebels won't back U.S. interests, Aamer Madhani, 2013. http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2013/08/21/dempsey-syrian-rebels-wont-back-american-interests/2680923/
  11. This week in history: Ronald Reagan fires 11,345 air traffic controllers, Cody Carlson, 2012.  http://www.deseretnews.com/article/865560028/This-week-in-history-Ronald-Reagan-fires-11345-air-traffic-controllers.html?pg=all 

Thursday, August 22, 2013

Countering China's Anti-Access Strategy: The US Perspective Part II - Increasing US Force Survivability


Artistic depiction of a Chinese DF-21D missile attack against a United States carrier strike group. Image credit: Chinese military review.



Author's Note: Part I emphasized how the United States seeks to maintain continued access into the Pacific but the reasoning behind why the US needs to maintain access was not sufficiently explained. Thus, in order for audience members to better understand the reasoning behind certain recommendations, a short explanation of current PLA thinking and strategy is given below. For more information into current PLA military planning and strategies, refer to the further reading section at the end of the article. Furthermore, a glossary section is included near the end of the article for your convenience.

In order to most effectively counter China's anti-access strategy, one must first understand the People's Liberation Army (PLA) strategy to "dealing" with US and allied forces in the event of hostilities. Two main scenarios dominate the discussion for how the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) enter a war and the island chain strategy applies for both scenarios. The first scenario involves a conflict between Japan and the PRC over disputed Senkaku/Diaoyu islands; the second scenario revolves around a PRC invasion of Taiwan (Department of Defense, 2013). In either scenario, US forces will initially be at a significant numerical disadvantage in the early stages of the conflict. Hence the United States will attempt to bolster its presence mostly through its vast network of regional logistic assets (e.g. air fields, naval bases, strategic airlift, etc.) and through its carrier strike groups. The PRC would seek to quickly disable already deployed US Western Pacific forces and cut them off from reviving any reinforcements by deploying its arsenal of denial (AD) weapons. By disabling key US logistic hubs, the ability for the United States to effectively project power into the Pacific will be severely limited.

"As part of its planning for military contingencies, China continues to develop measures to deter or counter third-party intervention, particularly by the United States. China’s approach to dealing with this challenge is manifested in a sustained effort to develop the capability to attack, at long ranges, military forces that might deploy or operate within the western Pacific, which the DoD characterizes as 'anti-access' and 'area denial' (A2/AD) capabilities...China’s leaders in 2012 sustained investment in advanced short- and medium-range conventional ballistic missiles, land-attack and anti-ship cruise missiles, counter-space weapons, and military cyberspace capabilities that appear designed to enable anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) missions (what PLA strategists refer to as 'counter-intervention operations')." - ANNUAL REPORT TO CONGRESS, Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2013

The island chain/A2 strategy's goal is to keep US forces from intervening in any regional conflict by inhibiting the ability of the United States to project power into the Western Pacific out to the second island chain marked on the map below.


The primary purpose of recommendation five is to ensure that US Western Pacific forces can survive long enough for the United States to reinforce its presence in the region. Part III of this series will focus on how best to ensure the US reinforcements can successfully penetrate through both island chains with minimal causalities.

Increasing the Survivability of Facilities & Logistic Assets 



M2A2 and M2A3 Bradley infantry fighting vehicles (IFV) in Busan South Korea

However the conflict between the United State and the PRC initially begins, a probable first move on behalf of the PRC would be to disable US air power in the region as quickly as possible. Despite the multitude of advancements made in both the quality of personnel and equipment in the People's Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) in recent years, PRC strategic planners know PACAF (USAF forces assigned to the Pacific) will retain the technological and training edge for some time. The PLA's solution to this problem is clever: launch hundreds of conventional ballistic missiles carrying either high explosive or cluster munition warheads at US regional bases,  PLAAF units can then proceed to mop-up the survivors (RAND, 2008). Qualitatively superior aircraft are of little use to PACAF when they are destroyed on the ground.

"China’s ballistic missile inventory is especially concerning if we consider the threat that they would pose when armed with specialized warheads. Stillion and Orletsky found that missiles armed with submunitions are much more effective at attacking unsheltered aircraft than missiles armed with unitary warheads. Aircraft are soft targets – large overpressures are not required to render them inoperable, only some fragmentation damage. Further, the relatively large size of an airplane (vs. a human target) means that a tight dispersal pattern is not necessary – a submunition warhead attacking parked aircraft can cover a large area: 'An 1,100-pound M-9 (DF-15) ballistic-missile warhead covers almost eight times the area when using a submunition warhead than when using a unitary warhead.'” - Gons, 2010



During the Second Taiwanese Strait Crisis in 1996, the PLA had between 30 to 50 SRBMs. As a result of China's military modernization program, the PLA now fields over 1,000 SRBMs. Not only has the PLA increased the number of conventional ballistics (SRBMs, IRBMs, and MRBMs). China has also increased the range, accuracy, and payloads of its missiles. Image credit: DOD

Rather than engaging the qualitatively superior PACAF outright on even footing, it makes much more sense for PLA forces to destroy PACAF before they could effectively mobilize or even get aircraft into the sky. RAND, a respected think tank, conducted a study examining a hypothetical PLA ballistic missile attack on Kadena Air Force base (AFB) Japan and Andersen AFB Guam. RAND determined that over 50% of PACAF aircraft based at Andersen and Kadena would be destroyed by the simulated cluster munition missile attack launched by the PLA.



Image Credit: RAND

The existing missile defense for PACAF bases is largely comprised of a multitude of US anti-ballistic missile interceptors: 12 Patriot missile units, several Standard Missile IIIA + Aegis equipped destroyers, and Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) missile batteries soon to be based at Guam. However, the sheer number of missiles the PLA will likely launch will overwhelm the aforementioned defense systems. The current generation of anti-ballistic missile interceptors are better suited for defeating rudimentary ballistic missiles launched in limited quantities by rogue nation states rather than intercepting waves of hundreds of ballistic missiles employing countermeasures and decoys specifically designed to defeat anti-ballistic missile interceptor radars (Federation of American Scientists, 2002). Even if the current generation of interceptors could reliably defeat the decoys employed by the new generation of PLA missiles, the issue of cost effectiveness remains. Even with two decades of research and development, the current generation of interceptors are often more costly than ballistic missiles themselves. The United States cannot realistically procure enough kinetic interceptors to fully counter a substantial PLA missile attack. Thus, the PRC's missile attack will be mitigated but not stopped by existing intercepting systems.

The author strongly recommends the United States invests and procures a variety of passive defensive systems to counter the PLA missile threat rather than continuing to rely upon only active defense systems, such as kinetic interceptors. In particular, the United States should procure new advanced early warning radars, GPS jamming & spoofing equipment, and harden pacific bases. The combination of these measures would greatly minimize the effectiveness of a large scale PLA missile strike.

Advanced early warning radars:


click here for interactive version graphic shown above

Forward deployed early warning radars would be extremely valuable to US forces in the event of hostilities the PRC. An network of geographically expansive radar stations could warn US and allied forces of an impending PLA missile attack and grant a precious few minutes to prepare (move aircraft and personel into shelters, launch taxing aircraft,etc). When it comes to detection power in early warning radars, "bigger is better". The 105 foot tall AN/FPS-115 Pave Paws radar system is among the most powerful radar systems ever developed and is capable of tracking ballistic missiles from a range maximum range 3,000 nautical miles (Federation of American Scientists, 2002). Taiwan recently deployed its own AN/FPS-115 radar system purchased from the United States for $1.4 billion dollars. Given its advantageous geographic position, the Taiwanese Pave Paws radar has coverage of nearly all of China. It is highly probable the United States has arrangements with the Taiwanese Government to share the information collected by the Pave Paws (Allen Thomson, 2013). The Pave Paws system would provide a six to ten minute warning to Taiwan of an incoming PLA missile attack (Ackerman, 2013).

The closest PLA missile units to both Taiwan and US forces are deployed near the 31st Army group in Xiamen (distance from Taiwan to Xiamen is roughly 180 to 200 nautical miles). The closest US forces to China should have a roughly 15 minute warning of an incoming PLA missile strike assuming:
  1. Flight time of missiles is six minutes for 200 nautical miles from Xiamen to Taiwan = 2000 nautical miles per hour
  2. US forces based at Kadena (the closest US base to China and Taiwan) is 537 nautical miles (995 km) from Xiamen
  3. 537nm/2000nm per hour = .2685 hours = ~16 minutes 



Taiwanese PAVE PAWS system

Although large fixed sites such as the Taiwanese Pave Paws have immense capabilities, they are likely to be destroyed in the first wave of a PRC attack. Smaller, more mobile but less capable theatre range radars such as the AN/TPY-2 and 3DELRR have a higher likelihood of surviving multiple attacks. The United States should proceed with current plans to deploy a second AN/TPY-2 to Japan in addition to investigating other possible deployment sites for more early warning radars, particularly on Okinawa. Advanced ship mounted ballistic missile defense radars such as the planned Air and Missile Defense Radar (AMDR) on DDG-51 Flight III destroyers and possibly the DDG-1000 would be very useful for providing missile defense warning. If the AMDR were fitted to stealth DDG-1000 Zumwalt class destroyers, the United States would possess a mobile and highly survivable early missile defense warning capability for PACAF forces.


 Harden Western-Pacific Bases:


An example of a heavily hardened US Cold War facility, Bitburg air base in Germany. Note the inclusion of several redundant runways and hardened aircraft shelters.

The process of hardening an airfield or base is achieved though the combination of several construction techniques with the goal of making the facility as resilient as possible to enemy attack. During the Cold War, the United States constructed a series of hardened airfields and command and control centers in Western Europe in preparation for war with the Soviet Union. US bases in other geographic regions, such as those in the Pacific, were considered to be much less important and not worth the effort of hardening (RAND, 2010). As the United States continues to shift its strategic priorities from Europe to the Pacific, US Pacific bases should be hardened in a similar manner as US-European bases to reflect their increased importance in their role to US deterrence. If the PLA believes it can easily knock out US regional air power in the opening days of the war though ballistic missile strikes, the US deterrent will be greatly weakened. Hardening Pacific bases in the Western Pacific in conjunction with the aforementioned measures above will greatly increase the resilience of US forces against PLA ballistic missile strikes.

Reasoning behind base hardening:

“Runways and taxiways are inherently exposed and thus also attractive targets. Because runways and taxiways can be rapidly repaired given adequate earthmoving machinery, personnel, and materials, most targeteers regard damage inflicted to runways and taxiways to be temporary and will plan to reattack frequently enough to keep an airbase closed. In the battle for the control of the air, an initial play would be to cut runways and taxiways to bottle up aircraft in shelters or revetments, with subsequent sorties planned to pick off the stranded aircraft…Mindful of this military engineers soon evolved techniques to make this strategy difficult to execute. Redundant runways, the use of longer runways than otherwise required, the use of taxiways as auxiliary runways, and variously redundant taxiway schemes were adopted. Mostly the aim of these was to force an opponent to deploy a much larger number of munitions to effect a shutdown of flying operations at such a base…Other techniques to harden airbase surfaces included the use of specialized concrete compositions, which would include aggregates or additives to increase the toughness of the concrete, making it harder to fracture even with a specialized runway busting munition. The Soviets used blast furnace slag extensively for high strength concretes.” – Karlo Kopp Air Power Australia


High value E-3 AWACS aircraft parked at Kadena. Note lack of  protection except for simple barriers. These aircraft would almost certainly be lost in a major PLA missile attack.

After a missile attack, restoring operational capability to an airfield as soon as possible will be key to ensuring the effectiveness of the forces that survive the initial missile attack. US Army engineers have found a number of solutions to repairing damaged airfields since World War II:

"Time is of the essence when repairing spalls, cracks and craters caused by enemy fire on military airfields. For decades, engineers have been searching for the most efficient and effective means to perform these repairs. Solutions have ranged from landing mats developed during World War II to a host of materials and systems investigated during the Cold War, ranging from flexible and rigid caps over debris backfill to structural systems that bridge the craters...new advances have pushed rapid-setting concrete to the forefront as a viable alternative for crater repair. Although the product has been used by the military for years to repair areas less than a cubic foot, technological advances—offering faster set times, higher early strengths and better durability under heavy loads—have made rapid-setting concrete a viable alternative for repairing larger craters. These advances have also made a variety of rapid-setting concrete products widely available off the shelf." - Chris Davis, 2009


STOVL aircraft like the F-35B and AV-8B Harrier II will be able to operate from damaged runways and will be able to protect US airbases while Army engineers repair airfields for conventional aircraft. The USMC plans to station its first F-35B's from Air Station Iwakuni (Japan) in 2015. Image credit: Lockheed Martin

Overall, PACAF airbases are incredibly vulnerable to a PLA missile attack and do not incorporate sufficient levels of hardening to ensure the protection of US aircraft. For example, Kadena air base has a total of 15 hardened aircraft shelters for its dozens of aircraft. Hardening US pacific bases would require a substantial investment to purchase: redundant runways, reinforced concrete aircraft shelters, underground fuel storage sites, and hardened runways. As the DOD budget continues to decline, it will be more feasible to implement a modest hardening program for PACAF bases rather than a large scale pan-Pacific hardening program. In a minimalist hardening effort, bases closest in proximity to China should receive priority for new hardened aircraft shelters capable of protecting aircraft from cluster munitions. In addition, fuel depots should be moved underground and runway repair materials/equipment should be prepositioned in protected shelters in the event the need to be utilized. Hardening PACAF airfields is vital to creating an effective deterrence to counter the PLA missile threat as it would prevent an early PLA knock out of US regional air power.


GPS jamming & spoofing equipment:


The PRC has made significant progress on its SRBM modernization program with the addition of advanced GPS guided missiles like the DF-15.

The PRC will no longer be dependent upon the Russian GLONASS GPS system once the indigenous Beidou GPS system becomes fully operational in 2020 (Shachtman, 2010). As Beidou becomes more capable, it is likely that more Chinese weapon systems will become more dependent on GPS guidance. This trend can already be observed in the more modern Chinese short and medium range ballistic missiles. Although GPS can dramatically improve the accuracy of munitions, GPS can be easily jammed or disabled. Most of the more modern PLA short range ballistic missiles typically carry two guidance systems: a standard inertial guidance system and a GPS based guidance system. Once the GPS has been jammed, the missile will revert to its back-up inertial guidance system which is far less accurate. For example:

"The basic variant DongFeng 11 uses an inertial guidance + terminal radar guidance, giving a circular error probability (CEP) of 500~600m . The improved DongFeng 11A uses inertial/GPS guidance system with optical correlation terminal targeting, resulting in an greater accuracy of below 200m CEP." - Sinodefense,
2009

Without GPS guidance, even the most advanced Chinese ballistic missiles, such as the DF-21, become much less accurate.

Another method of defeating GPS guidance is through a spoofing attack.

"The goal of such attacks is either to prevent a position lock (blocking and jamming), or to feed the receiver false information so that it computes an erroneous time or location (spoofing). GPS receivers are generally aware of when blocking or jamming is occurring because they have a loss of signal. Spoofing, however, is a   surreptitious attack. Currently, no countermeasures are in use for detecting spoofing attacks." - Jon S. Warner, Ph.D. and Roger G. Johnston, Ph.D., DHS Vulnerability Assessment Team, 2003

However, it should be noted that GPS spoofing attacks are more complicated to preform than merely jamming the GPS signal. The combination of one or both of the aforementioned techniques would likely be sufficient to cause a degradation of  at least 300-400 meters (inertial guidance) in accuracy. Without GPS guidance, individual hardened aircraft shelters could not be successfully targeted with unitary warheads. A large saturation attack with cluster munitions would be unable to destroy aircraft within the hardened shelters.

Although any singular passive defensive measure listed above can be countered, if employed in tandem with one another, the combination passive defensive systems will significantly increase the difficulty of quickly knocking out US air power in the Pacific region with a ballistic missile strike. Early warning radars will alert US personnel of an incoming attack which will in turn give ground crews and pilots an opportunity to save as many aircraft as possible by parking them in hardened hangars/shelters or by initiating immediate taking-off. GPS jamming and spoofing equipment will greatly diminish the accuracy of the incoming missiles that are not defeated by kinetic interceptors meaning the likelihood of a direct hit on a hardened hangar is substantially reduced. Damage to hardened runways will be minimal unless specialized runway cratering bombs are dropped. Even so, with the right preparation, runway damage can be easily repaired within a period of hours. Repairs will be possible as STOVL aircraft, such as the F-35B, will provide a capable air defense while the airfields are being repaired. Depending upon the location of the air base, its likely that surface to air missile batteries such as Guidance Enhanced Missile TBM (GEM-T) PAC-2 Patriot or Type 3 Chū-SAM will supplement the STOVL defense.



Patriot PAC-2 missile battery. The United States has a total of 12 PAC-2 and PAC-3 batteries deployed to the Pacific. "Each Fire Unit consists of up to 16 M901 Launching Stations with a total of 64 PAC-2 Missiles [or four times that number of PAC-3], along with an Antenna Mast Group, a Radar Set AN/MPQ-53 phased array, an Electric Power Plant, and an AN/MSQ-104 Engagement Control Station. Each US Army Patriot battalion consists of four firing units [batteries] doctrinally armed with six launchers. Each launcher is either Patriot Advanced Capability (PAC)-2 capable or PAC-3 capable, the difference being in numberand type of missiles or interceptors that it can fire. PAC-3 launchers are capable of holding four PAC-3 pods, each of which holds four PAC-3 interceptors. PAC-2 launchers are capable of holding four PAC-2 pods, each of which holds one PAC-2 interceptor. In total, a battery fully armed with PAC-3 launchers and PAC-3 interceptors could ideally control a total of 96 interceptors, whereas a fully PAC-2 armed battery could control a total of 24 interceptors." - Global Security, 2013


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Raptors near hardened shelters at Kadena air base, Japan.